Snippet
Care
Comment
Community
Mental Health
2 min read

Who holds the vital ingredient as healthcare shifts from hospital to community?

The trusted anchor institutions that can provide pastoral care and more.

Esther works as a Senior Consultant for the Good Faith Partnership. She sits in the secretariat for the ChurchWorks Commission.

A social prescribing project in full swing.
A social prescribing project in full swing.
Theos.

On 11 November, the Good Faith Partnership, the National Academy of Social Prescribing (NASP) and the Bishop of London convened a roundtable discussion in the House of Lords to call for a collaborative relationship between faith groups and NHS social prescribing providers. 

Faith leaders from the major religions in the UK gathered alongside senior officials such as from the Department for Health and Social Care, NHS England and arm’s length bodies.  

‘There are lots of exciting opportunities with a new government in place,’ said Charlotte Osborn-Forde, CEO of NASP, adding that as part of her desire to see social prescribing available in NHS services beyond GP surgeries ‘there are huge and untapped assets in communities.’  

Marianne Rozario from Theos, the lead researcher on a groundbreaking new report on faith and social prescribing, elaborated, saying that faith groups are trusted anchor institutions in local communities that are well networked, offer resources in the form of buildings and volunteers, and have expertise in pastoral and spiritual care.  

Mark Joannides, Deputy Director for Community Health in the Department of Health and Social Care, added that: ‘Faith groups are going to have to be part of this,’ when referring to the government’s health mission and the three big shifts from hospital to community, analogue to digital, and sickness to prevention.  

The conversation focused on how this integration could take place, particularly through securing shared investment funds for faith groups, co-locating healthcare services into faith buildings, and integrating faith groups into the NHS 10-year healthcare plan. 

A range of ideas were shared by those present including the importance of investing in faith groups to provide palliative care, focusing on reducing health inequalities, and investing in local infrastructure.  

On 30 January, Good Faith Partnership and Theos will publish the first ever report into the role of faith communities in the social prescribing system. This timely report collates research into the role of faith groups in social prescribing and aims to facilitate further discussion on how collaboration between faith groups and the NHS can support the needs of the most vulnerable in our society. Alongside the report, two ‘How To’ guides will be published, providing faith leaders and social prescribing link workers with a step-by-step process for building relationships with one another.  

To hear more about the research recommendations, explore next steps and to access the practical ‘how-to’ guides register for a free hour-long webinar on 30 January using this link: 

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Article
Assisted dying
Comment
Politics
4 min read

The assisted dying bill is an undignified mess

Literally life-changing legislation needs a parliament at its best not its worst.

George is a visiting fellow at the London School of Economics and an Anglican priest.

A parliamentary committee meets, sitting at wooden raised desks in a wood panelled room.
The bill committee meets.

The first clue came when MP Kim Leadbeater’s private members’ bill passed in the House of Commons at the end of November. She came outside to greet pro-euthanasia campaigners like she was emerging as a winner from the Big Brother house, in tears of joy, whooping and hugging and high-fiving, with prime minister Keir Starmer gurning awkwardly in her wake. 

For her and her supporters, this was indeed great news. But these optics were far from great. It was as though she was celebrating the consequence of the legislation she’d introduced: “Whoa! Wonderful news everybody! We’re going to be allowed to help people to kill themselves.” 

It’s not a good look, even to those who may wish for such assistance. Where was the dignity, the key word that assisted-suicide lobbyists have appropriated for their cause? Not in this carefree triumphalism, this cork-popping celebration of the prospect of death-on-demand. 

Since then, the bill’s faltering passage through parliament has been characterised by this absence of dignity, a kind of cowboy rustler pushing a herd of supporters in a single direction, towards statute. And this lack of dignity matters. Not just because it is, literally, the most life-changing legislation any of us will see in our lifetimes, but because the dignity of parliament matters very much indeed. 

I don’t mean the ritual flummery, the state opening by the monarch, people marching about with wigs and sticks, Black Rod and all that. I mean dignity in the sense with which we honour our democracy, the way in which we frame our legislature seriously and with due process. 

Leadbeater presents as a good person and there is no apparent evidence to the contrary. But she is an inexperienced parliamentarian. Her selection for the seat of Batley and Spen, now Spen Valley, was rushed through in 2021, memories remaining acutely sharp of the murder of her older sister, Jo Cox, in the constituency in 2016. And, naturally, she has sat on the Government’s backbenches for less than a year. 

 Her inexperience of parliamentary process and scrutiny has shown. Committee hearings have been rammed with those who support assisted suicide and held in unseemly haste, such is the rush to get it into law. Before her bill’s second reading, she described it as having the strongest safeguards in the world, each patient requiring a sign-off from a High Court judge. When this proved impractical, the judge was replaced with a social worker, which apparently was “even safer”. So, safer than even the strongest safeguards in the world?   

But more worrying still is how the passage of the bill has been factionalised. Leadbeater has alienated the mild-mannered by calling opposing voices “noise”, which is a bit like lamenting that a debate should have two sides at all. And she’s called those who disagree with her “unconstructive” and complained that opponents have “mobilised”. Well, duh. That’s how parliament works. Indeed, it’s part of its dignity, rather than a simple inconvenience for an MP in a hurry. 

The media have noticed this lack of respect for procedure. I’m not sure that there’s ever been such resistance to proposed assisted-suicide legislation in the public prints before. Even the Guardian, which might be relied upon to see it as a progressive cause, has turned more than ambivalent. Only columnist and assisted-suicide flagbearer Polly Toynbee is available for a piece that amounts to saying we should move along, there’s nothing to see here and Leadbeater’s bill is doing just fine. 

She, too, claims absurdly that opposition is only coming from people who oppose assisted suicide. Well, blow me down. Try as I might, I can’t trace her complaining that Lord Falconer’s supposedly independent Commission on Assisted Dying of 2011 was both funded and packed with his cause’s supporters.  

In passing, it should be noted what an underminer of parliamentary dignity is Falconer too. He has claimed that justice secretary Shabam Mahmood’s opposition to the bill should be discounted because of her “religious beliefs”. Mahmood is a Muslim. For a constitutional lawyer, Falconer shows scant regard for our constitution. We might as well say that his views should be discounted because he’s a progressive secularist.  

One might expect PM Keir Starmer to bring some quality to this, as an alleged stickler for legal procedure. It remains a mystery, as a supporter of the principle, that he’s left assisted suicide to a private members’ bill. If he really wanted it, it should surely be a Government bill. Cynics among us wonder if he has honoured a promise given to the terminally ill Esther Rantzen with token support for a private members’ bill, but knows it will fail.  

Again, lack of dignity. If dignity in dying means anything since it was misappropriated as a campaign slogan for assisted suicide, then it should be accompanied by dignified debate and amendment in parliament. This bill has provided precisely the opposite. Let it die.

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